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FEMALE MIGRANT VISION [website]

Evaluation of local training and educational policies and local actions that support the families involved in "migratory projects"

Executive Summary

The project involved 7 European countries (Italy, Portugal, Sweden, Ireland, Latvia, Poland and Denmark), it conducts a comparative analysis on different migration trends among EU member states. Particularly, it identifies a new migratory model and the different factors that characterise it.
The aim is to give voice to migrant women and study the phenomenon of women migration by the point of view of the people directly involved. For grasping the new migration model, it is important to reconstruct the background of emigration, and that is possible only if we analyze at the same time characteristics of the country of origin and country of arrival. By adopting a gender-sensitive approach, the current research tries to understand the role that migrant women play both in receiving and in sending countries with regard to:

  • the impact of migrant women on the local communities they live in;
  • the consequences of female migration for local labour markets;
  • the changes in quality of life among women involved in migration;
  • the changes in migrant families both for the host and origin countries.
The project is structured in four different stages:
  1. Identification of intra-European female migration: in Europe, there is a segmentation of migratory flows in terms of destination and origin in the specific case of female migration, which is determined by the features of the receiving countries and by the objectives of the migratory project. About this issue, a valid indicator is the kind of job taken by female immigrants in different countries.
  2. Analysis of the specific implications for the host and origin countries, depending on the purpose and duration of the migratory project. It is necessary to distinguish between two kinds of migratory projects: the short time migration project and the long term or permanent migration projects.
  3. Comparison of experiences, feasibility and exportability of policies among the host and origin countries.
  4. Reporting on actual experiences via direct testimony of immigrant women.

 

Methodology

The project combines both qualitative and quantitative research methods in order to ensure the representativeness and validity of research findings
Concretely, it utilized:

  • Estimates, statistical data, information provided by each partner;
  • Statistical data obtained by Eurostat Database and Sopemi (OECD) Database;
  • Collection of information and existing studies regarding implications of short term and long term migratory projects;
  • “Description chart” about differences between short-term and long-term migration projects in each partner’s country;
  • A total of 22 in-depth interviews to migrant women and 13 in-depth interviews to policy makers.

Research findings

The new migration model

The new migration flows are characterized by a high rate of feminization in particular the flows from the East towards Southern Europe. Migrant women have been rediscovered in migration studies, not only because they are involved in family reunifications, but also because they play an important role in the light of the new economics of migrations.

The characteristics of the new migration model, as it appears among the women interviewed in this research, are mainly the following:

Transnantionalism,, that is a steady swinging back and forth between sending and receiving country; it consists in repeated entry/exit cycles. Transnationalism presents the following features

  • it represents an increasing tendency among the countries of the East, which has been termed “shuttle migration”, “incomplete migration” or “quasi migration”;
  • transnationalism is also an attitude, expressed by a simplified form of a “nationalistic” loyalty to the country of origin. overtime there are shifting attachments from the country of origin to the destination country;
  • the migratory project can fall into a complex family strategy (especially for women that leave their children in the country of origin and that are divorced or single mothers); - the transnational migrants create transnational communities, that is “dense networks crossing the political frontiers”: the rich consistency of the network, forming a bridge between the two countries is seen by migrant women as a preliminary resource without which no departure could be undertaken, or at least as a rediscovered resource that opens the way to migration; and very often these networks are gendered
  • enlarged family ties often fix the networks; but some networks of solidarity as the ones described by the Polish women, in whatever country they went, seem particularly strong, integrated and close-knit around the Catholic church, able in all contexts to organise little worlds of language and customs or sometimes of shared suffering, just like at home.

The short-period migratory project:

  • it is closely bound with family history: the respondents are more often childless or are at the beginning of a phase in the family cycle in which children are grown up and autonomous, and they move in order to meet their 'increased' needs. In this case, a family strategy is often formulated whereby different family members go to different countries;
  • a further type of short-period migrant consists of young people who combine university studies with a seasonal or even full-time job abroad. The decision to leave home has often to do with a family crisis, an impoverishment or a difficult period;
  • in most cases, short-period migratory projects are forged, only to be readjusted to meet economic needs; usually this happens when money which seemed enough for the first project finishes or another aim adds up to the original one. Short-term migration projects are redesigned and are not often transformed into projects of long-term settlement. They are rather readjusted in order to take account of specific circumstances or opportunities which came up later, with an eye to possible improvements in the economic situation at home;
  • good economic reasons are at the basis of these flows and overall in the South the existence of a black market for low level jobs, carers' jobs in particular, is a really valuable opportunity for migrants (since it enables them to earn their living from the beginning) but, on the other hand, it tends to reproduce itself in time and space.

Care work:

  • care work a job that female migrants find easily;
  • employers and workers may arrive to negotiate such a heavy workload on the basis of a shared common sense, of such a deep involvement may be asked by the employer and accepted by the carer. Although diverse, in both countries of origin of the migratory processes and in receiving countries the family plays a central role.

Critical aspects of migration’s organization:

  • there is a tendency to underestimate the extent to which the practical aspects of organising long trips, providing visa, and exchanging gifts are institutionalised on a stable basis: there are set fees for false visas and good visas, banks that lend money to enter some countries as tourists, car companies operating on unlikely routes such as Rumania-Portugal, Ukraine-Portugal or Moldova-Italy, regularly corrupting border police, as well as providing cheap postal services (i. e. they bring parcels back home in the return  of a trip)

Bureaucratic difficulties:

  • none of our countries spares its migrants the difficult and muddled experience of having contacts with different bureaucratic agencies if they want to obtain full rights; the long time involved in these bureaucratic procedures is usually not compatible with short-term migration.

Assessment of 7 European countries’ migratory model
(Denmark, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Poland, Portugal, Sweden)

  • Migratory inflows are declining in the countries of Northern Europe (with the exception of Ireland), while the countries of Southern Europe increased flows and increasing diversification tend to coincide, with new nationalities constantly joining the inflows;
  • Northern European countries tend to select highly qualified migrants, although this practice produces polarisation between skilled and unskilled workers;
  • Southern European countries  tend to underestimate and waste valuable skills;
  • in both cases what might be seen as an initial advantage for a woman entering on a migratory project can subsequently prove an obstacle, and the reverse is also possible: for example, care work often involves waste of professional skills but may more easily lead to legalisation, while in the Northern countries it is not recognised as a job, although it may be better paid;
  • many receiving countries have never entirely ceased to be, at the same time, sending countries (Italy, Portugal, Ireland); many sending countries (Poland, Latvia) are receiving countries for other migratory currents, poorer but with the same functions their migrants perform abroad (i.e. accepting jobs at the bottom of the ladder)
  • it is not clear which of the two models tends to predominate between the incomplete migration model and the model giving preference to time-honoured, traditional post-colonial ties

The receiving countries: Denmark

The country has chosen to introduce a period of soft transition, amounting to a limited opening up of the labour market for the citizens of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, The Slovak Republic, Slovenia, the Czech Republic and Hungary. The immigrants from these eight countries can obtain a work permit for Denmark only if they have a work contract in particular sectors and with certain characteristics. Within these sectors, the explicit search for qualified immigrants is to be seen in the preferential concession of work permits valid up to three years (as compared with the 1-year permits granted the other low-skilled categories) for researchers, teachers, specialists and functionaries in managerial positions. Similarly, family reunification is regularly provided for on condition that the quality of accommodation be adequate, in the sense defined as "compatible with Danish standards”. This explains the severe stance taken by the Danish government on illegal immigration and the series of measures progressively brought in to fight the phenomenon. In particular, early 2004 saw heavier penalties introduced for employers offering informal jobs to foreigners. The following year saw far harsher penalties for foreign workers without work permits and people helping foreigners to stay in Denmark illegally. But the most blatant case of discrimination against women is to be seen in the new regulations on mixed marriages, not only extending the probationary period as is the practice in other countries (up to seven years!) but actually disallowing marriages with an appreciable age difference between spouses on the – evidently ethnocentric – grounds that such marriages have been arranged.

 

Short term project

Short term shifting to long-term

Long term project

Motives for migration

Target group of women

Professional fields experiencing a shortage of qualified manpower (Engineers, scientists, doctors, nurses, IT specialists)

“East Agreement” (special regulations for citizens from Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, the Czech republic and Hungary)

Prostitution (open prostitution market and great demand for prostitution : women from Eastern Europe, South America, Africa.

Trafficked women from the Baltic States, Eastern states and Thailand

No data available

Family reunification

Mixed marriages: foreign women who come to get married to Danish men. Main sending countries: Thailand, Russia, Philippines, Baltic countries.

Kind of support activities available for migrants

Everyone residing in Denmark has the right to health insurance services and hospital assistance.

Courses in Danish language and culture throughout the year on various level.

_

Plan of action from the Danish government increasing labour market opportunities for non-Danish men and women.

Networks to match refugee and immigrant women with women established members of the Danish work force

Local projects to empower women with children

Positive consequences

_

_

_

Negative consequences

_

_

Employment and income gap by gender (men are generally better positioned). High level of women’s dependence of their husbands. No permission to work for long years.

Large degree of social isolation and risk of no contact with the labour market

The receiving countries: Ireland

Since 1 May 2004 citizens of the new member countries have the right to work without particular work permits, provided they put their names down in the Personal Public Service Numbers register. This registration system is not designed to work alone but also regulates access to welfare services and the tax system. However, the conditions to obtain PPS registration are not very different from those in force in other countries to obtain a residence permit – a passport issued by a European country and documentation proofing a residence in Ireland (rent contract, bills issued in the name of the applicant, etc.). The point made by the Irish Government is that it is no longer necessary to regulate immigration, but only the conditions of the labour market. At the same time, however, in 2000 Ireland brought in heavier penalties for persons attempting illegal entry (Illegal Immigrants Trafficking Act) and, above all, the hitherto extremely generous conditions for accessing citizenship (even quite remote descent from Irish citizens was sufficient before) was more closely regulated in 2001 (Irish Nationality and Citizenship Act). This was the result of a referendum organized by the Department for Foreign Affairs, which established new exclusions: for example, jus soli no longer directly applies to the children of foreigners born in Ireland, but it is necessary to prove that the parents have spent at least three of the four years immediately preceding birth with continuous residence in Ireland. Also, a very vague clause was added requiring that persons born in Ireland perform “any act which only an Irish citizen is entitled to perform”, without any further specification. Moreover, acquiring post-nuptial citizenship has become much more discretionary for spouses married after 30 November 2002.

 

Short term project

Short term shifting to long-term

Long term project

Motives for migration

Target group of women

Main flows from Latvia and Poland

The main age groups of women involved is 25/45 and is increasing from 2000 to 2005 just like the proportion of males, but also young people are growing

Several shuttle workers while students get a full-time job and change their plans to go back home

The existence of a large group of potential Irish returners polarizes attention in attracting them before other migrants

Kind of support activities available for migrants

Strangely no other national groups are attracted since a generous Welfare state grants unemployment benefits of welfare nature and child benefits, for which migrants can qualify

No rights for family reunification (except for EU citizens )

No access to education or to medical cards

_

Special government campaign to attract returners and high-skilled workers

Positive consequences

Equalitarian access to welfare by ppt numbers. Child benefits even for children in sending countries

Generous social protection

_

Negative consequences

Many skills are lost because jobs available are at the bottom of the ladder

Social integration much more difficult

_

 

The receiving countries: Italy

The right-wing Italian Government has deemed it expedient to place certain restrictions on access to the labour market in the first two years after enlargement for employed workers arriving from the new member countries. Thus a quota of labour market entries has been reserved exclusively for citizens of the eight new member countries, and the procedure for opening employer-employee relations has been simplified for them, while remaining unchanged for the citizens of other countries.
The simplified, accelerated procedure provides for immediate issue of the residence card rather than stay permit, with exemption from entry visa and residence
contract. However, the citizens of the Czech Republic, and of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Slovak Republic and Hungary now have the right to free circulation, like the other citizens of the European Union, only if they were regularly employed by the date of 1.5.04, and authorised to work in Italy for at least 12 months uninterruptedly.
A point that needs stressing is that, while the restrictions regarding free circulation still apply, once they have been admitted to work in Italy the citizens of the new member countries will enjoy exactly the same treatment as the Italian workers as far as all the aspects of employment and work conditions are concerned.
In Italy the residence card was first introduced with Law 40 of 1998, setting at 5 years the period of legal stay necessary for application and setting out to provide a means of stability for immigrants with papers in order to integrate, while the treatment of informal immigrants was made more severe.
Subsequently, Law 189/02 raised to six years the period of legal stay in Italy necessary to obtain it. This is a measure much like the permanent permit introduced in Portugal or the German green card, but, given the way Italian bureaucracy works, the possibility not to go through the periodic renewals is a great boon, warding off the sense of precariousness and humiliation that renewal of permits entail in Italy, with the now structural practice of long queues at the police headquarters handled with scant efficiency or humanity, almost to represent discretionary, arbitrary powers symbolically.
Attesting to the spirit of intervention opening the way to full integration is the creation in Italy of the Commission for immigrant integration policies under the Prime Minister’s Office – Department for social affairs – with Law 40 of 1998.
More restrictive revision came most explicitly with laws 149/02 and 222/02, which brought in more rigorous policies for entry permits, granted only on the basis of a work contract already drawn up, with the abolition of sponsorship by citizens as guarantors and a reduction in the time allowed immigrants left jobless to find other employment. In practice, however, the entire spirit of migratory policy changed, over and above this deliberate choice of a Gastarbeiter-minded policy: we have seen a series of expulsions that have come under EU investigation (as have the worst of the reception centres), suspected of violating human rights, and we have also seen change in the regulation of access to citizenship through mixed marriages, for example, hitherto immediate but now subject to a probationary period of six months.

 

Short term project

Short term shifting to long-term

Long term project

Motives for migration

Target group of women

Short term flows actually: Poland, Ukraine, Moldavia

Mostly middle aged married women

Philippine migrants usually arrive with short-term projects but often this does not take place as they encounter huge difficulties when trying to go back home but also for family reunification.

Rumanians migrants, on the contrary, mainly do not start as a shuttle migration but often are not able to settle down because of their extreme marginality and exclusion. Even if the flow is quite heterogeneous by gender, mostly men work illegally in building industry and women in carework. Few family reunifications have been possible because of precarious and inappropriate housing.

Long-term flows: Morocco (many family reunifications)
Albanians initiated a settling down migration from the beginning except for trafficking and for organised crime

Other feminised flows tended to become long term over the last years like those from Perù and Ecuador

Kind of support activities available for migrants

First orientation public desks, cultural centres for migrants, Italian courses last instance assistance by Catholic NGOs (mainly Caritas)

Almost no support for housing in a very closed and segmented market

No recognition of educational qualifications. It is easier to repeat a university degree than to have it recognized
Very unaffordable and discretionary procedure for naturalization except for mixed marriages (bill to render them more difficult)

Positive consequences

Unavoidable complementary resource to inadequacies of residual care services for receiving country

Allowing substantial remittances and accumulation of economic resources for sending countries

Opening of self employed activity

Protected access to some health service for illegal migrants and to all of them for minors

-

Negative consequences

Huge waste of human capital

Locking competent people in a very narrow and disqualifying kind of jobs, with no real  perspective of overcoming them

Amnesties never sufficient because they attract always new flows. Market for illegal immigration develops

Permanent immigrants more exposed to xenophobia than those coming for domestic work

 

The receiving countries: Portugal

In Portugalthe left-wing government elected in 1995 created the High Commission for immigrants and a protection of the rights of ethnic minorities the following year. This was the first body created solely to deal with immigration.
In order to apply for staying permit, it is still necessary to work in Portugal, the requisites were: possession of a valid Residence Visa, residing in Portuguese territory and being able to document adequate conditions of accommodation and means of subsistence.
In 1998 the three typologies of residence permit were reduced to two: temporary (valid for two years, renewable) and permanent (no time limit, to be renewed every five years or with any modification in personal identifying data). Both were made more closely dependent on having a regular work contract.
Following traditional practice for immigrants from Portuguese-speaking countries (PALOP), a law of 1999 allowed the citizens of these countries to apply for a permanent staying permit after six years of regular residence, while 10 years were required for the other immigrants. 2003 saw a reduction in these periods, respectively to 5 years’ residence with regular staying permit for immigrants from Portuguese-speaking countries and 8 years for all the others. The temporary staying permit was also modified to the benefit of immigrants: it can be renewed 3 times for one year. The year 2003 also saw what is known as Lula's Agreement, a sort of amnesty reserved to Brazilian citizens who had arrived in Portuguese territory by 31 December 2003. However, the intention is never again to amnesty de facto conditions in the future, which means that the only form of initial entry now allowed is based on possession of a valid work contract presented in a consulate abroad before entry. There will be no more amnesties for those illegally present on Portuguese territory. As regards citizenship, moreover, jus soli no longer applies directly to the children of foreigners born in Portugal, but the right is granted on reaching the age of eighteen. A new restriction has also been brought in for those amnestied under the Lula agreement, in that it is still easy for them to obtain Portuguese citizenship but this no longer qualifies them for EU citizenship.
In any case, the legalisation procedure is very long in Portugal, and often fraught with bureaucratic snags. The result has been an increasing number of illegal immigrants. As concerns female migrants, difficulties in family reunification have led to an increase in the numbers of women and children informally joining their relatives and living in illegality while waiting to see their situations settled.

 

Short term project

Short term shifting to long-term

Long term project

Motives for migration

Target group of women

Highly qualified immigrants from the European Union and North America, with a promise of work contract, and that intend to stay as long as they have a stable working situation.

  1. Brazilians: “intensive saving within a short stay” (3/4 years) in order to save enough money to accomplish something in the country of origin /usually to buy or build a house
  2. Yo-yo (shuttle migration): we have cases of Brazilians women migrating – initially going back to the country of origin, and then within Europe (Portugal and Italy) – for many years. Their intention was always to find better living conditions, usually coming from a poor family. They do not intend to go back to the country of origin, but may considerer the hypothesis of migrating to another country
Portugal seems to be less involved in shuttle migration than other Southern countries: probably traditional colonial links still maintain former forms of migration. The current reality presents new flows coming mainly from Brazil and Eastern European Countries
  1. Brazilians and Ukrainians: family reunification is an indicator of increased probability of shifting to long-term migration. Some refer that they would like to have their children here, and that they see the hypotheses of going back to their country of birth becoming more remote (especially if they envisage bringing the children)
Short-term shifts to long term if they find stable working conditions and/or a new partner. Divorced/separated/single women (Cape-Verdean, Brazilian and Ukrainian): “new life within long-term migration”. Some women migrate alone (not within family reunification) with the intention of finding better living  conditions to improve their economic situation and also their family life find a partner)
  1. Cape Verdeans: “classic family reunification with children”. Their project of migration is long –term, as this is a well-established community of immigrants in Portugal, dating from the 60’s, presence of second and third generations;
  2. Ukrainians and Brazilians: for some couples Portugal is the final destination country, they do not want go back to their country of birth, finding better living conditions here. We have a case of a Ukrainian couple who both left the country at the same time with the idea of never going back. They went to fetch their child as soon as possible and are now definitely in Portugal.
We do not know if Ukrainians tend to settle down here more than in other countries – as it could seem, the sample being too small.

Kind of support activities available for migrants

Portuguese language courses

Prevention of infection diseases

Recognition of qualifications for nurses

-

Positive consequences

Migrants contribute actively to their family income and the economy of the receiving country

-

Some important re-housing programs to redesign slums around Lisbon

Negative consequences

-

-

Segregation and marginalization of African immigrants


The receiving countries: Sweden

In the case of Sweden, on the basis of Law 2003/4, as in Ireland and the United Kingdom, as from 24 May 2004 no restrictions are applied to citizens of the eight new member countries, no permit is required to be able to work, but like the other immigrants they have to apply for a residence permit – temporary or permanent – for stays over three months, demonstrating that they have their own means of maintenance. Moreover, faithful to its tradition of a country receiving refugees and asylum-seekers, Sweden has introduced a sort of amnesty for persons who find themselves in the country without having asylum granted: from 30 November 2005 to 31 March 2006 their applications can be reconsidered and residence permits granted if there are important humanitarian reasons, if the country of origin remains unable to receive them, or for health reasons. The Swedish government has estimated that in the first month of application alone, 21 thousand applications were accepted, of which over 4 thousand from persons illegally present in the country.

This brings today to a revision of the former practice which simply did not count migrants staying less than twelve months, introducing a sort of coordination number for taxation purposes in the years 2001 2002 and 2003 and a new system in 2004 which is supposed to monitor short-term immigration. Nevertheless, even Sweden has its "line of resistance", opposing mixed marriages of convenience and setting limits to the possibility of obtaining citizenship through them: the spouse of a Swedish citizen coming from a European country can be granted a two-year residence permit after marriage, and subsequently a permanent one only if the firmness of the marriage tie has been verified. However, a non-European citizen has to go through the same verification to be able to have a temporary permit, and if the marriage were no longer valid expulsion would be forthcoming

 

Short term project

Short term shifting to long-term

Long term project

Motives for migration

Target group of women

  • women from other countries who come to Sweden to have a domestic work without a stipulated income, nor social security coverage
  • Skilled migrants in labour market niches (physicians, researchers, artists, sportspersons  and coaches, craftspersons)
  • trafficked human beings for purposes of sexual exploitation form the Baltic countries, Eastern Europe or from Russia

Refugees from
Eritrea, Iran, Lebanon decreasing;
Former Yugoslavia: Bosnia, Kossovo, Albanian, Macedonia

Many of them want to go back in their home country but have to wait for an improved safety situation

Migration Board supports migrants (possible economic contribution) who wish to repatriate to their country
  • Family reunification
  • Finnish Swedes chose to move to Sweden because they feel more affinity with the Swedish culture

Kind of support activities available for migrants

Language courses

Protected access to some health services for refugees and to all of them for minors
Support in finding homes; languages courses

Lack of continuity in projects to support immigrants

Vocational training for migrants in the care professions

Preventing segregation in housing areas where migrants settle down

Positive consequences

Access to social protection
Voting in local elections

-

  • Favouring networks between migrants (Immigrant Institute)
  • Recognizing nationwide organisations, associating immigrants from the same country.
  • Local networks immigrants

Negative consequences

  • Immigrant women have difficulties in the Swedish labour market due to poor knowledge in the Swedish language
  • Social, ethnic and discriminative segregation in the housing areas
  • Women have difficulty in getting a job
  • Immigrants with a high education sometimes have to work in jobs with lower working demands but 60% of University graduates have jobs corresponding to their qualification (as compared to 80% in Sweden)

-

  • Loss of identity of long term immigrants
  • Felt hostility towards them as foreigners, expression of racism
  • Difficulties of work and unemployment


The receiving countries: Latvia and Poland

Latvia and Poland are faced with the necessity to adapt migratory policies regulating entry, now necessary for the new member countries. The migratory policies of these countries are now expected to serve a twofold purpose of a somewhat contradictory nature. On the one hand, their geographical position as “new frontiers to the East of Europe”, and thus potential gateways for access from countries under strong migratory pressure, calls for policies to control and reduce the possibilities of illegal entry.
On the other hand, the internal regulations should be adapted to conform with all standards in respect of human rights and recognition of the right to asylum and refugee status. By examining Latvia’s legislative measures over the two years prior to EU access we find, alongside regulations on immigration tending to be restrictive and repressive (L. 31.10.2002), other measures regarding the recognition of the fundamental rights of the individual, including the right to asylum, recognition of refugee status and the right to temporary protection (L. 07.03.2002). Moreover, the choice to place the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Justice in charge of matters of immigration suggests that the approach may be more oriented towards policies to control immigration than in the direction of integrating immigrants.
These Baltic countries, and Poland to a yet greater extent, also receive temporary or final immigration flows and other flows in transit, apart from the outflows they generate. In the Polish case this seems to bring fresh forms of integration as shown by increasing mixed marriages.



Latvia

 

Short term project

Short term shifting to long-term

Long term project

Motives for migration

 

Target group of women

Women unemployment rate in 2004 was 53.5%
Long-term women unemployment rate is increasing (59% in 2004)

Young women, in their twenties on average, students. Contracts are arranged via mediators. If women go individually as a rule they get  contracts. Women with children generally have secondary education or vocational training.

Lack of adequate support for families from the state.
Infrastructure inefficiencies.
Unequal development of regions.
Labour law infringement, low remuneration.
Environment unfriendly for entrepreneurship.

At the moment family reunification is actively taking place (family members emigrate from Latvia)

Lack of long-term perspectives on individual or family level.

Intermediation

_

 

Personal contact. Long-term emigration is usually related to family reunification.

Positive consequences

Young people can pay their tertiary education fees even by short summer spells of work abroad

Increase in quality of life.
Acquiring of experience, skills and financial resources that can help to integrate into Latvian labour market, start own business.
Those who work in European Union countries take over western values, which can promote increase of living standard in Latvia.

If the residents work legally they pay taxes and contribute to the social budget.

Increase of mixed families.

Negative consequences

Educational establishments inform about cases when children are not properly taken care of while their parents are away. There is no specific data. Social workers from rural areas are better informed about the number of residents who have left the country, but the data is not available at the national level.

When family members are apart, new relationships are established, number of divorces increases. Sometimes there are problems with child custody issues.
Ethnic intolerance might be stimulated.

Foreign trade statistics is negatively influenced.

Residents that have left Latvia are not going to come back.

 

Poland


 

Short term project

Short term shifting to long-term

Long term project

Motives for migration

 

Target group of women

Long term unemployment especially in rural regions
Seasonal manual work in Spain (gradually substituting Moroccan men)
Unemployment less important since even women with a job may decide to emigrate to earn more money (2 salaries are not enough for sparing money or for exceptional expenses)
Female unemployment very high and long-term 2 main age groups of women involved: 20/30 (liminality) and middle aged married or lone parents (30/45), but also 50% students work abroad during summer in order to pay their formation

Short term migration for months tends to become longer in Italy if it is not possible to find a substitute (or if waiting for regularization). After expiring of short term tourist visa or so women become over-stayers because of the high costs of intermediation and of fear not to be allowed to come back

Long term unemployment
Stable job occasions?

Germany as main receiving country, but also UK and US

It begins as a seasonal work too but since it is more masculine it may easier become permanent?

Intermediation

Lesser use of intermediation and more support from informal networks

International bilateral agreements only beginning

International bilateral agreements

Positive consequences

Even advantages in family life if circular migration

“new economy of migration”, development of family business, social capital comes back home a reason for further feminization of migration

Transnational families
But some beginning “brain return”
A more realistic attitude in public discourse?

Cultural similarity with receiving country may be important

Migration to Germany has more family reunifications

Mixed marriages abroad (female)

Important return migration

Negative consequences

Acceptation of under qualified jobs
Not having security rights
(even if regularized they cannot cumulate security rights) usually migrants do not bring back to the home country labor market skills fragilization of families

Transnational families

Danger of having too quickly raising levels of aspiration
Short-term migration becomes permanent shuttle with ever repeated spells

In this case migrants do not seek to re-enter in Polish labor market

Sense of diaspora

 

 

Policy recommendations

An important element that may steer migrant policy is the difference between short-term and long-term migratory project.  The experiences and expectations of the female migrant who wants to start working at once, with a minimum of guaranteed security, who is perhaps not interested in learning the language beyond the basics she needs for her work (because she is going to leave soon.....) are very different from the problems of the migrant who asks for social and political integration, a stable job, school integration for her/his children and non segregated residential neighbourhoods. Short-term migrant women would rather needcheaper trips that are not left in the hands of illegal alien smugglersand short-term legal visas that are not too complicated to obtain and renewable in terms of red-tape requirements, thus exploiting the thriving market of false visas and legal visas at the limit of legality for third country nationals . Not considering the “quasi-migration” of women and their special needs often means sending them back to illegal behaviour, leaving the whole phenomenon in the hands of the organised traffickers of illegal trips, false visas and illegal jobs.


Spontaneous forms of security abroad, such as national networks of aid or links of substitution on the workplace between workers, should get formal recognition and public support. This could be used as a lever to avoid the worst forms of disruption affecting young families.

 

Spontaneous forms of security abroad, such as national networks of aid or links of substitution on the workplace between workers, should get formal recognition and public support. This could be used as a lever to avoid the worst forms of disruption affecting young families.

The need to harmonize international migration statistics in European Countries and to introduce gender-sensitive indicators and appropriate sex-disaggregated statistics.

 

The need to grant social recognition to care work. This represents a fundamental resource for the future and would harmonize working conditions, levelling off salaries and granting pension rights that could be “transported” between sending and receiving countries. Recognizing care work may not be limited to existing, sometimes paternalistic, forms of “cultural formation” and teaching of national language, but should be connected with its “emersion” from the illegal market and include a right to reconcile work and personal care.

Legislation on equal opportunities should be applied to migrants, avoiding discrimination between natives and migrants with regard to jobs and family stability